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Looking back at the era of the American Revolution, we often view the southern colonies and their dependence on enslavement as rural and old-fashioned, in contrast to the urban proto-capitalism of the North. The reality was more complicated, as historian Gregory E. O’Malley explores from the vantage point of Charleston, South Carolina.
Of the more than 300,000 enslaved people whose port of entry into the US (or colonies that would become the US) is documented, nearly half arrived in Charleston.
Judged by market value alone, the Charleston port’s purpose was not primarily human trafficking—imported British goods were worth more than the African captives who came through the city. But O’Malley writes that this is deceiving. With land and capital relatively abundant, labor was the crucial missing factor for planters across the South. Wealthy plantation owners traveled a great distance to meet arriving ships carrying enslaved people and invest fortunes in their human cargo. And workers—many of them enslaved—also arrived in town, bringing food and firewood to inns and taverns and helping to deliver newly arrived captives to the plantations. This convergence of people drew other economic activity, creating niches for shopkeepers, doctors, and lawyers.
“More than anything else on the calendar, the arrival of slave ships brought the colonial Lowcountry community together and stimulated local commerce,” O’Malley writes.
In some ways, Charleston was less like Boston or New York than other British centers of human trafficking—Bridgetown, Barbados, or Kingston, Jamaica, for example. In 1774, it had a population of about 13,000, about half of them enslaved or free people of African descent.
O’Malley writes that the wealth and status hierarchy was extremely visible. Merchants in fine suits rode in carriages or on sedan chairs while enslaved people lugging carts and crates wore dirty, threadbare clothing and could be publicly whipped or burned to death for misbehavior.
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And the horrors of the Middle Passage were intensely present. In the spring of 1769, Charleston residents complained that ships carrying enslaved people had dropped so many bodies of captive Africans into the harbor that it created a putrid smell and a public health hazard.
The urban environment built on enslavement created social and economic links to other parts of the world. A person arriving in bondage might meet people of many ethnicities and languages from various African communities and from the Caribbean, as well as enslaved people born in South Carolina.
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Meanwhile, even prior to industrialization, the trafficking of enslaved people helped build a merchant capitalist class that leveraged investment in human beings to expand trading networks. For example, London-based dry goods merchants sometimes extended credit to slave traders, profiting from the loans’ interest while also forging valuable ties in the enslavement economy.
“Although slavery is sometimes cast as premodern, understanding the importance of the slave trade to a wide variety of Charleston’s merchants, artisans, and professionals suggests the synergy between the traffic in people and the town’s growth,” O’Malley writes.
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回顾美国革命时代,我们常将南方殖民地及其对奴隶制的依赖视为乡村化、守旧的象征,与北方城市化的原始资本主义形成对比。但历史学家格雷戈里·E·奥马利从南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿的视角切入,揭示了更为复杂的现实。
在有记录进入美国(或将成为美国的殖民地)的三十余万被奴役者中,近半数在查尔斯顿登陆。
单凭市场价值判断,查尔斯顿港的主要目的并非人口贩卖——进口的英国货物价值远超经由此地运抵的非洲俘虏。但奥马利写道,这种表象具有欺骗性。由于土地和资本相对充裕,劳动力成为南方种植园主最稀缺的关键要素。富裕的种植园主们长途跋涉,赶来迎接运载奴隶的船只,并将巨额财富押注在这批"人货"上。而劳动者——其中多数是奴隶——也涌入城镇,为旅馆酒馆供应食物柴薪,协助将新到的俘虏运送至种植园。人群的聚集催生了其他经济活动,为店主、医生和律师创造了生存空间。
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